Morganic Corporation, located in the heart of Arkansas, spent the past decade providing great organic crops at a competitive price, growing into the ninth leading organic farming operation in the country. As a seasoned writer with access to Richard Taylor, the founder and president of Morganic, I propose writing a profile piece on Taylor for your magazine. I believe the time has come to cover Morganic’s rise in the organic farming industry. The piece would run in the normal 800 - 1,200 word range with photographs available of Taylor and Morganic’s operation. Thank you for your consideration of this article. I hope to hear from you soon.

Mark was participating in freestyle swimming competitions in this Olympics. He had a firm belief that he could get a medal in the 200m. Swimming was dominated by Americans at the time, so Mark was dreaming of becoming a national hero for his country, Britain. That day, Mark was competing in his very last race — the final round of the 200m. He had done his training and was ready. One minute and fifty seconds later, it was all over. He had tried hard and, at his best, was ranked number four. He fell short of a bronze medal by 0.49 of a second. And that was the end of Mark’s swimming career. He was heartbroken. He had nothing left.

There is no denying that engaging in argument carries certain significant risks. When we argue, we exchange and examine reasons with a view toward believing what our best reasons say we should believe; sometimes we discover that our current reasons fall short, and that our beliefs are not well supported after all. Or sometimes we discover that a belief that we had dismissed as silly or obviously false in fact enjoys the support of highly compelling reasons. On other occasions, we discover that the reasons offered by those with whom we disagree measure up toe-­to-­toe with our own reasons. In any of these situations, an adjustment in our belief is called for; we must change what we believe, or revise it, or replace it, or suspend belief altogether.

Thanks to the power of reputation, we help others without expecting an immediate return. If, thanks to endless chat and intrigue, the world knows that you are a good, charitable guy, then you boost your chance of being helped by someone else at some future date. The converse is also the case. I am less likely to get my back scratched, in the form of a favor, if it becomes known that I never scratch anybody else’s. Indirect reciprocity now means something like “If I scratch your back, my good example will encourage others to do the same and, with luck, someone will scratch mine.” By the same token, our behavior is endlessly shaped by the possibility that somebody else might be watching us or might find out what we have done. We are often troubled by the thought of what others may think of our deeds. In this way, our actions have consequences that go far beyond any individual act of charity, or indeed any act of mean­-spirited malice. We all behave differently when we know we live in the shadow of the future. That shadow is cast by our actions because there is always the possibility that others will find out what we have done.

* malice: 악의

When you experience affect without knowing the cause,
you are more likely to treat affect as information about the
world, rather than your experience of the world. The
psychologist Gerald L. Clore has spent decades performing clever experiments to better understand how people make decisions every day based on gut feelings. This phenomenon is called affective realism, because we experience supposed facts about the world that are created in part by our feelings. For example, people report more happiness and life satisfaction on sunny days, but only when they are not explicitly asked about the weather. When you apply for a job or college or medical school, make sure you interview on a sunny day, because interviewers tend to rate applicants more negatively when it is rainy. And the next time a good friend snaps at you, remember affective realism. Maybe your friend is irritated with you, but perhaps she didn’t sleep well last night, or maybe it’s just lunchtime. The change in her body budget, which she’s experiencing as affect, might not have anything to do with you.

Whenever possible, we should take measures to re-­socialize the information we think about. The continual patter we carry on in our heads is in fact a kind of internalized conversation. Likewise, many of the written forms we encounter at school and at work — from exams and evaluations, to profiles and case studies, to essays and proposals — are really social exchanges (questions, stories, arguments) put on paper and addressed to some imagined listener or interlocutor. There are significant advantages to turning such interactions at a remove back into actual social encounters. Research demonstrates that the brain processes the “same” information differently, and often more effectively, when other human beings are involved — whether we’re imitating them, debating them, exchanging stories with them, synchronizing and cooperating with them, teaching or being taught by them. We are inherently social creatures, and our thinking benefits from bringing other people into our train of thought.

* patter: 재잘거림 ** interlocutor: 대화자
*** at a remove: 조금 거리를 둔

Every day an enormous amount of energy is created by the movement of people and animals, and by interactions of people with their immediate surroundings. This is usually in very small amounts or in very dispersed environments. Virtually all of that energy is lost to the local environment, and historically there have been no efforts to gather it. It may seem odd to consider finding ways to “collect” energy that is given off all around us — by people simply walking or by walking upstairs and downstairs or by riding stationary/exercise bicycles, for example — but that is the general idea and nature of energy harvesting. The broad idea of energy harvesting is that there are many places at which small amounts of energy are generated — and often wasted — and when collected, this can be put to some practical use. Current efforts have begun, aimed at collecting such energy in smaller devices which can store it, such as portable batteries.

The above graph shows the US adults’ attitudes to media ads, based on a survey in 2022. ① In all the mediums surveyed, the percentages of respondents who enjoy or love media ads are higher than those of respondents who don’t enjoy or hate media ads. ② As for those who are indifferent to media ads, their percentages are the lowest in every medium except for print mediums. ③ For respondents who don’t enjoy or hate media ads, their percentage in social media platforms is the highest, while that in websites the lowest. ④ The percentage of respondents who are indifferent to media ads in websites is the same as that of those who have the same attitude to media ads in social media platforms. ⑤ In print mediums, the percentage of respondents who are indifferent to media ads is more than twice that of those who don’t enjoy or hate media ads.

Georgy Gause was born in Moscow, Russia. He was admitted to Moscow State University, where he received his undergraduate degree in 1931 and PhD in 1940. Prior to achieving his doctoral degree, Gause published his ecological classic, The Struggle for Existence, in 1934 (and in English!). This book and similar research papers in the 1930s helped lay the early foundation for population ecology and indeed fostered the introduction of mathematics into the historical development of ecology. In ecology, Gause’s contributions are equally acknowledged along with those of other early ecologists who studied population dynamics. However, most ecologists are not aware that Gause eventually went on to conduct very important research on antibiotics and somewhat left ecology behind. From 1960 until his death he was director of the institute of antibiotics he and his wife had founded.

Project Pipeline Virtual Camp

Are you interested in buildings, cities, design and architecture? Join us in imagining and creating the city of the future!

Who: Youth ages 11 - 15
When: August 17 - 19, 2023
             10 a.m. - 1 p.m. (Thursday, Friday & Saturday)
Where: Online

Register at www.bosnoma.org/projectpipeline.
Registration is FREE. All participants will receive a free art supply kit mailed to their home.

Architecture and design professionals will teach drawing and modeling in a fun online environment.

Questions? Contact us at projectpipeline@bosnoma.org.

2023 Oyster Bay Town Toddler Sports Program

The Town’s Toddler Sports Program will return this spring on April 7th. This 6­week program offers sports classes at the Youth Center for children aged 3 and 4.

• Parents who sign their toddler up for the program must choose one class per week, per child. Classes will take
place on:
Wednesdays 10 a.m. or 11 a.m. &
Fridays 10 a.m. or 11 a.m.

• Registration will take place ONLINE at www.obtown.org starting Friday, March 24th, at 9 a.m.

Fee
- $75 per resident child
- $90 for any non­resident child

For more information, call (516) 797-1234

From the 8th to the 12th century CE, while Europe suffered the perhaps overdramatically named Dark Ages, science on planet Earth could be found almost ① exclusivelyin the Islamic world. This science was not exactly like our science today, but it was surely antecedent to ② it and was nonetheless an activity aimed at knowing about the world. Muslim rulers granted scientific institutions tremendous resources, such as libraries, observatories, and hospitals. Great schools in all the cities ③ covering the Arabic Near East and Northern Africa (and even into Spain) trained generations of scholars. Almost every word in the modern scientific lexicon that begins with the prefix “al” ④ owes its origins to Islamic science — algorithm, alchemy, alcohol, alkali, algebra. And then, just over 400 years after it started, it ground to an apparent halt, and it would be a few hundred years, give or take, before ⑤ that we would today unmistakably recognize as science appeared in Europe — with Galileo, Kepler, and, a bit later, Newton.

* antecedent: 선행하는 ** lexicon: 어휘 (목록) *** give or take: 대략

In centuries past, we might learn much about life from the wisdom of our elders. Today, the majority of the messages we receive about how to live a good life come not from Granny’s long ① experience of the world, but from advertising executives hoping to sell us products. If we are satisfied with our lives, we will not feel a burning desire to purchase anything, and then the economy may collapse. But if we are unsatisfied, and any of the products we buy actually delivers the promised lasting fulfillment, subsequent sales figures may likewise ② rise. We exist in a fog of messaging designed explicitly to influence our behavior. Not surprisingly, our behavior often shifts in precisely the manner ③ intended. If you can be made to feel sufficiently inferior due to your yellowed teeth, perhaps you will rush to the pharmacy to purchase whitening strips. The ④ lack of any research whatsoever correlating tooth shade with life satisfaction is never mentioned. Having been told one hundred times a day how to be happy, we spend much of our lives buying the necessary accoutrements and feeling ⑤ disappointed not to discover life satisfaction inside the packaging.

* accoutrements: (필요) 용품

The quest for knowledge in the material world is a never-­ending pursuit, but the quest does not mean that a thoroughly schooled person is an educated person or that an educated person is a wise person. We are too often blinded by our ignorance of our ignorance, and our pursuit of knowledge is no guarantee of wisdom. Hence, we are prone to becoming the blind leading the blind because our overemphasis on competition in nearly everything makes looking good more important than being good. The resultant fear of being thought a fool and criticized therefore is one of greatest enemies of true learning. Although our ignorance is undeniably vast, it is from the vastness of this selfsame ignorance that our sense of wonder grows. But, when we do not know we are ignorant, we do not know enough to even question, let alone investigate, our ignorance. No one can teach another person anything. All one can do with and for someone else is to facilitate learning by helping the person to ____________________________________.

* prone to: ∼하기 쉬운 ** selfsame: 똑같은

Lewis­-Williams believes that the religious view of hunter groups was a contract between the hunter and the hunted. ‘The powers of the underworld allowed people to kill animals, provided people responded in certain ritual ways, such as taking fragments of animals into the caves and inserting them into the “membrane”.’ This is borne out in the San. Like other shamanistic societies, they have admiring practices between human hunters and their prey, suffused with taboos derived from extensive natural knowledge. These practices suggest that honouring may be one method of softening the disquiet of killing. It should be said that this disquiet needn’t arise because there is something fundamentally wrong with a human killing another animal, but simply because we are aware of doing the killing. And perhaps, too, because in some sense we ‘know’ what we are killing. We make sound guesses that the pain and desire for life we feel — our worlds of experience — have a counterpart in the animal we kill. As predators, this can create problems for us. One way to smooth those edges, then, is to ____________________________________.

* membrane: 지하 세계로 통하는 바위 표면
** suffused with: ～로 가득 찬

The empiricist philosopher John Locke argued that when the human being was first born, the mind was simply a blank slate — a tabula rasa — waiting to be written on by experience. Locke believed that our experience shapes who we are and who we become — and therefore he also believed that, given different experiences, human beings would have different characters. The influence of these ideas was profound, particularly for the new colonies in America, for example, because these were conscious attempts to make a new start and to form a new society. The new society was to operate on a different basis from that of European culture, which was based on the feudal system in which people’s place in society was almost entirely determined by birth, and which therefore tended to emphasize innate characteristics. Locke’s emphasis on the importance of experience in forming the human being provided ____________________________________.

* empiricist: 경험주의자 ** slate: 석판 *** feudal: 봉건 제도의

In A Theory of Adaptation, Linda Hutcheon argues that “An adaptation is not vampiric: it does not draw the life­-blood from its source and leave it dying or dead, nor is it paler than the adapted work. It may, on the contrary, keep that prior work alive, giving it an afterlife it would never have had otherwise.” Hutcheon’s refusal to see adaptation as “vampiric” is particularly inspiring for those of us who do work on adaptations. The idea of an “afterlife” of texts, of seeing what comes before as an inspiration for what comes now, is, by its very definition, keeping works “alive.” Adaptations for young adults, in particular, have the added benefit of engaging the young adult reader with both then and now, past and present — functioning as both “monuments” to history and the “flesh” of the reader’s lived experience. While this is true for adaptations in general, it is especially important for those written with young adults in mind. Such adaptations ___________________________________ that might otherwise come across as old­-fashioned or irrelevant.

According to the principle of social proof, one way individuals determine appropriate behavior for themselves in a situation is to examine the behavior of others there — especially similar others. ① It is through social comparison with these referent others that people validate the correctness of their opinions and decisions. ② Consequently, people tend to behave as their friends and peers have behaved. ③ Because the critical source of information within the principle of social proof is the responses of referent others, compliance tactics that employ this information should be especially effective in collectivistically oriented nations and persons. ④ That is, where the individualized self is both the focus and the standard, one’s own behavioral history should be heavily weighted in subsequent behavior. ⑤ Some evidence in this regard comes from a study showing that advertisements that promoted group benefits were more persuasive in Korea (a collectivistic society) than in the United States (an individualistic society).

* tactic: 전술

Aristotle explains that the Good for human beings consists in eudaimoniā (a Greek word combining eu meaning “good” with daimon meaning “spirit,” and most often translated as “happiness”).

(A) It depends only on knowledge of human nature and other worldly and social realities. For him it is the study of human nature and worldly existence that will disclose the relevant meaning of the notion of eudaimoniā.

(B) Some people say it is worldly enjoyment while others say it is eternal salvation. Aristotle’s theory will turn out to be “naturalistic” in that it does not depend on any theological or metaphysical knowledge. It does not depend on knowledge of God or of metaphysical and universal moral norms.

(C) Whereas he had argued in a purely formal way that the Good was that to which we all aim, he now gives a more substantive answer: that this universal human goal is happiness. However, he is quick to point out that this conclusion is still somewhat formal since different people have different views about what happiness is.

* salvation: 구원 ** theological: 신학의
*** substantive: 실질적인

A large body of research in decision science has indicated that one attribute that is regularly substituted for an explicit assessment of decision costs and benefits is an affective valuation of the prospect at hand.

(A) People were willing to pay almost as much to avoid a 1 percent probability of receiving a shock as they were to pay to avoid a 99 percent probability of receiving a shock. Clearly the affective reaction to the thought of receiving a shock was overwhelming the subjects’ ability to evaluate the probabilities associated.

(B) This is often a very rational attribute to substitute — affect does convey useful signals as to the costs and benefits of outcomes. A problem sometimes arises, however, when affective valuation is not supplemented by any analytic processing and adjustment at all.

(C) For example, sole reliance on affective valuation can make people insensitive to probabilities and to quantitative features of the outcome that should effect decisions. One study demonstrated that people’s evaluation of a situation where they might receive a shock is insensitive to the probability of receiving the shock because their thinking is swamped by affective evaluation of the situation.

* swamp: 압도하다

However, while our resources come with histories of meanings, how they come to mean at a particular communicative moment is always open to negotiation.

The linguistic resources we choose to use do not come to us as empty forms ready to be filled with our personal intentions; rather, they come to us with meanings already embedded within them. ( ① ) These meanings, however, are not derived from some universal, logical set of principles; rather, as with their shapes, they are built up over time from their past uses in particular contexts by particular groups of participants in the accomplishment of particular goals that, in turn, are shaped by myriad cultural, historical and institutional forces. ( ② ) The linguistic resources we choose to use at particular communicative moments come to these moments with their conventionalized histories of meaning. ( ③ ) It is their conventionality that binds us to some degree to particular ways of realizing our collective history. ( ④ ) Thus, in our individual uses of our linguistic resources we accomplish two actions simultaneously. ( ⑤ ) We create their typical — historical — contexts of use and at the same time we position ourselves in relation to these contexts.

* myriad: 무수히 많은

However, human reasoning is still notoriously prone to confusion and error when causal questions become sufficiently complex, such as when it comes to assessing the impact of policy interventions across society.

Going beyond very simple algorithms, some AI-­based tools hold out the promise of supporting better causal and probabilistic reasoning in complex domains. ( ① ) Humans have a natural ability to build causal models of the world — that is, to explain why things happen — that AI systems still largely lack. ( ② ) For example, while a doctor can explain to a patient why a treatment works, referring to the changes it causes in the body, a modern machine-­learning system could only tell you that patients who are given this treatment tend, on average, to get better. ( ③ ) In these cases, supporting human reasoning with more structured AI-­based tools may be helpful. ( ④ ) Researchers have been exploring the use of Bayesian Networks — an AI technology that can be used to map out the causal relationships between events, and to represent degrees of uncertainty around different areas — for decision support, such as to enable more accurate risk assessment. ( ⑤ ) These may be particularly useful for assessing the threat of novel or rare threats, where little historical data is available, such as the risk of terrorist attacks and new ecological disasters.  

* notoriously: 악명 높게도

The rise of large, industrial cities has had social consequences that are often known as urbanism. The city dissolves the informal controls of the village or small town. Most urban residents are unknown to one another, and most social interactions in cities occur between people who know each other only in specific roles, such as parking attendant, store clerk, or customer. Individuals became more free to live as they wished, and in ways that break away from social norms. In response, and because the high density of city living requires the pliant coordination of many thousands of people, urban societies have developed a wide range of methods to control urban behavior. These include regulations that control private land use, building construction and maintenance (to minimize fire risk), and the production of pollution and noise.

* pliant: 유순한

The social conditions in large, industrial cities made urban societies ___(A)___ the informal controls of the village or small town, introducing ___(B)___ measures to effectively induce coordinated urban behaviors.

Douglas Hofstadter is a scholar who writes about stereotypical thinking. He discusses what he calls default assumptions. Default assumptions are (a) preconceived notions about the likely state of affairs — what we assume to be true in the absence of specific information. Given no other information, when I mention “secretary,” you are likely to assume the secretary is a woman, because “woman” and “secretary” are associated stereotypically. In the absence of specific details, people rely on the stereotype as a default assumption for filling in the (b) blanks. Default assumptions have a tendency, in Hofstadter’s words, to “permeate our mental representations and channel our thoughts.” For instance, given the words “cat,” “dog,” and “chases,” you are likely to think first of a dog chasing a cat. This line of thought (c) reflects a default assumption that, all else being equal, the dog is more likely to chase the cat than the other way around.
Default assumptions are rooted in our socially learned associative clusters and linguistic categories. They are (d) useless in that people cannot always afford the time it would take to consider every theoretical possibility that confronts them. Nonetheless, default assumptions are often wrong. Default assumptions are only one type of language­-based categorization. Hofstadter is particularly interested in race-­based and gender-­based categorization and default assumptions. For instance, if you hear that your school basketball team is playing tonight, do you assume it’s the men’s team? Most people would assume so unless a qualifier is (e) added to provide specific information. In this case, the qualifier would be “the women’s basketball team is playing tonight.”

* permeate: 스며들다 ** cluster: 무리 *** qualifier: 수식어

Douglas Hofstadter is a scholar who writes about stereotypical thinking. He discusses what he calls default assumptions. Default assumptions are (a) preconceived notions about the likely state of affairs — what we assume to be true in the absence of specific information. Given no other information, when I mention “secretary,” you are likely to assume the secretary is a woman, because “woman” and “secretary” are associated stereotypically. In the absence of specific details, people rely on the stereotype as a default assumption for filling in the (b) blanks. Default assumptions have a tendency, in Hofstadter’s words, to “permeate our mental representations and channel our thoughts.” For instance, given the words “cat,” “dog,” and “chases,” you are likely to think first of a dog chasing a cat. This line of thought (c) reflects a default assumption that, all else being equal, the dog is more likely to chase the cat than the other way around.
Default assumptions are rooted in our socially learned associative clusters and linguistic categories. They are (d) useless in that people cannot always afford the time it would take to consider every theoretical possibility that confronts them. Nonetheless, default assumptions are often wrong. Default assumptions are only one type of language­-based categorization. Hofstadter is particularly interested in race-­based and gender-­based categorization and default assumptions. For instance, if you hear that your school basketball team is playing tonight, do you assume it’s the men’s team? Most people would assume so unless a qualifier is (e) added to provide specific information. In this case, the qualifier would be “the women’s basketball team is playing tonight.”

* permeate: 스며들다 ** cluster: 무리 *** qualifier: 수식어

(A) Now I will tell you a story. There lived a young boy named Nick. He would sing and whistle nearly all day. He was as merry as a lark. One day Nick went out taking a walk in the forest, at some distance from his home. When he reached a clear stream he felt very thirsty and bent down to drink water. But, just at that moment, he was suddenly seized and found himself in the hands of a fierce giant, a hundred times bigger than himself. For some time the giant held Nick in his big hands, and looked at (a) him with great delight.

(B) Nick was very miserable, for he had never before been deprived of his liberty. He dashed backward and forward in his prison­house, but he could not escape. (b) He thought of his own pleasant home, his companions, the sunlight, the trees, and the flowers. He screamed and tried to get out between the iron bars, but he only tore himself, and all in vain. In a moment, the giant came again to the prison.

(C) He then put him into a large bag, and carried (c) him away. Poor Nick, who was in great fear, did all he could do to escape from his cruel captor. He tried to tear the bag, but the giant only laughed at (d) him. At last, the giant came to his own house with a high wall all around it, and no trees, nor flowers. He put Nick into a prison. It was quite a dark room, with iron bars all around it.

(D) He told Nick to sing, the same as he did when he was in his own home. “Sing! sing! sing!” said he, “Why don’t you sing?” But Nick was too sad to sing. Who could sing in a prison! At length the giant grew very angry, and took Nick out of the prison to make him sing. (e) He shook him, and then ordered him to sing. Nick felt terrified while missing whatever he enjoyed with freedom at his home. Now I will tell you who they were. Nick was a little bird and that giant was a cruel boy

(A) Now I will tell you a story. There lived a young boy named Nick. He would sing and whistle nearly all day. He was as merry as a lark. One day Nick went out taking a walk in the forest, at some distance from his home. When he reached a clear stream he felt very thirsty and bent down to drink water. But, just at that moment, he was suddenly seized and found himself in the hands of a fierce giant, a hundred times bigger than himself. For some time the giant held Nick in his big hands, and looked at (a) him with great delight.

(B) Nick was very miserable, for he had never before been deprived of his liberty. He dashed backward and forward in his prison­house, but he could not escape. (b) He thought of his own pleasant home, his companions, the sunlight, the trees, and the flowers. He screamed and tried to get out between the iron bars, but he only tore himself, and all in vain. In a moment, the giant came again to the prison.

(C) He then put him into a large bag, and carried (c) him away. Poor Nick, who was in great fear, did all he could do to escape from his cruel captor. He tried to tear the bag, but the giant only laughed at (d) him. At last, the giant came to his own house with a high wall all around it, and no trees, nor flowers. He put Nick into a prison. It was quite a dark room, with iron bars all around it.

(D) He told Nick to sing, the same as he did when he was in his own home. “Sing! sing! sing!” said he, “Why don’t you sing?” But Nick was too sad to sing. Who could sing in a prison! At length the giant grew very angry, and took Nick out of the prison to make him sing. (e) He shook him, and then ordered him to sing. Nick felt terrified while missing whatever he enjoyed with freedom at his home. Now I will tell you who they were. Nick was a little bird and that giant was a cruel boy

(A) Now I will tell you a story. There lived a young boy named Nick. He would sing and whistle nearly all day. He was as merry as a lark. One day Nick went out taking a walk in the forest, at some distance from his home. When he reached a clear stream he felt very thirsty and bent down to drink water. But, just at that moment, he was suddenly seized and found himself in the hands of a fierce giant, a hundred times bigger than himself. For some time the giant held Nick in his big hands, and looked at (a) him with great delight.

(B) Nick was very miserable, for he had never before been deprived of his liberty. He dashed backward and forward in his prison­house, but he could not escape. (b) He thought of his own pleasant home, his companions, the sunlight, the trees, and the flowers. He screamed and tried to get out between the iron bars, but he only tore himself, and all in vain. In a moment, the giant came again to the prison.

(C) He then put him into a large bag, and carried (c) him away. Poor Nick, who was in great fear, did all he could do to escape from his cruel captor. He tried to tear the bag, but the giant only laughed at (d) him. At last, the giant came to his own house with a high wall all around it, and no trees, nor flowers. He put Nick into a prison. It was quite a dark room, with iron bars all around it.

(D) He told Nick to sing, the same as he did when he was in his own home. “Sing! sing! sing!” said he, “Why don’t you sing?” But Nick was too sad to sing. Who could sing in a prison! At length the giant grew very angry, and took Nick out of the prison to make him sing. (e) He shook him, and then ordered him to sing. Nick felt terrified while missing whatever he enjoyed with freedom at his home. Now I will tell you who they were. Nick was a little bird and that giant was a cruel boy